My fellowship at the NED

This part or chapter, like the whole of this book, was written in two continents and in three countries. The idea first began in the Republic of Congo, but was actualized in Cameroon after I was expelled from the former. It was improved in the United States with the additions of this chapter and also that on Kleptocracy, in titled: The Nguessos: the Kleptocratic Family.  It was precisely on the 31^st of August 2016 that, I decided to make the aforementioned additions.  However, unlike the other additions and modifications, this chapter was written to show my deep appreciations to two organisations: Committee to Protect Journalists, CPJ and National Endowment for Democracy, NED, both have been of great help to me when I was expelled from the Republic of Congo. The first offered me an emergency fellowship that enabled me to leave Cameroon, while the second extended my Research Fellowship beyond the official end date. The extension of my research fellowship permitted me to put in writing what I knew about Kleptocracy in Congo Brazzaville and also share it with US  based NGOs fighting against corruption and human rights abuses in Africa  as well as  officials from the State  and Justice Departments among others. The opportunity to present the latter was done on the 23^rd of July 2016 and the theme was: Kleptocracy and it corrosive effects at home and abroad: the example of Congo Brazzaville. And as the preceding chapters have demonstrated, the long reign of Sassou Nguesso has had negative impacts not only in Congo but also beyond: Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo.  

My July 23^rd 2016 presentation was held in close door. It was unlike my first, which was focused on social media and had as theme: the role of social media in the promotion of Free Speech and Democracy in Central Africa.  As earlier mentioned, my Kleptocracy presentation was meant to reveal to the world that, Congo Brazzaville is a major player in the galaxy of Kleptocracy on the same level as other well known Kleptocracies such as Azerbaijan, Angola, Equatorial, Russia, Ukraine and Uzbekistan.  The Congolese Kleptocracy may regroup several people, but it is led by one family: the Nguessos. And as elucidated in the chapter: The Nguessos: the Kleptocratic family, their stranglehold onto power has had a negative or corrosive impact not only in Congo Brazzaville, but equally abroad:  Central African Republic, DRC and also in Burundi. And in Burundi, a man working at the presidency of Congo, who doesn’t want to be named, confided to me that, Sassou Nguesso offered financial support to Pierre Nkurunziza at the height of that country’s crisis. The aim of the financial support, he told me, was to help Burundi’s President, Pierre Nkurunziza  and his regime to withstand economic sanctions imposed by the European Union and also to resist the internal prodemocracy up rising. While my informant did not offer any proves other than claiming that, monies left Brazzaville for Bujumbura via Dakar to boost up the regime of Pierre Nkurunziza, I don’t have any reason to doubt him. I don’t doubt him because it looks every inch what Sassou Nguesso is capable of doing.  

Congo Brazzaville: why are old male members of the PCT high consumers of aphrodisiacs?

Refusing to grow old:

Another characteristic that I have observed with most Congolese elite, especially males is that, while they accept to be called Yaya, most prefer to be called: “Grand frère” and paradoxically women who would not want to be linked to anything old, prefer to be called "MAMA". In Congo it is the men who don’t want to have any reference to their ages and not the women.

Why Congolese men don’t want to be called Papa

There is a reason why some Congolese Men don’t want to be called Papa. It is simply because calling them Papa means to them, that, you are indirectly refusing them from dating younger girls, which to them, is not only a sign of their permanent juvenile nature but also a sign of their political power and wealth.  Some old men in Congo, especially those in power have an insatiable lust for young girls to point that, if they were in a civilize country; most would have been arrested for pedophilia. Furthermore, their insatiable yearn for underage girls could easily make the country to be ranked, among the highest consumers of aphrodisiacs in Africa and even in the world. Anyway, during my stay and research, I didn’t come across any such statistics and I doubt whether there are any known import statistics of Viagra in Congo. But I am convinced that, if findings were made Congo could top the chart of consumers on the continent. Congolese elite don’t only consume western made aphrodisiacs; they are also champions in the consumption of a locally produced aphrodisiac: Encorou. It is claimed by users that, the best quality locally produced sexual enhancement drugs: Encorou, are imported from Lubumbashi in the DRC.

Consequences

The adverse effect in the abusive usage of sexual enhancement drugs by old political barons in Congo is the rising number of sudden deaths in the process of attempting to show sexual vigor in bed to young girls. And in Congo, whenever one old influential politician who belongs to the ruling PCT party dies in the latter situation, it is euphemistically claimed that, he died in action or as it is put in French: “il est mort en action”. However, officially, it is almost always claimed that, he died of cardiac arrest.

Congo Brazzaville: Politics and Prostitution

Politics & Prostitution: the only industries

Perhaps there are other countries on the continent with similar traits, but in the meantime, this is the only country that I have visited and stayed wherein youths: male and female consider politics as a profession. It is especially pronounced among males, who have no jobs and consider politics as the only way-out of unemployment and also out of poverty. As far as most Congolese women, in particular those within the age bracket above mentioned are concern, they have two aspirations:  get married, not to a young man, but to an old rich baron of the ruling PCT or get into prostitution. Comparatively, youths: male and female in neighbouring DRC, might like politics and all what I am decrying, they nonetheless want to be successful musicians or businessmen or excel in any liberal profession. While in Cameroon, youths want to become successful footballers or successful businessmen and women.

Why they prefer politics & prostitution

However, there is a reason why in both Cameroon and DRC, youths have different benchmarks of success as opposed to Congolese youths. It should not sound as though, there are no ambitious youths: Male and Female in Congo, but the reasons why they seem to love politics and prostitution lies in the in r role models produced in the countries latter mentioned.

Congo Brazzaville

In Congo, political cronyism is the only path to success since the communist took power in 1968. This trend has been exacerbated under Sassou Nguesso. It has been consolidated after the recent 2016 March 20th controversial presidential election, which has given ministerial posts to people such as: Leon Juste Imbombo (see profile), Leonidas Motomb and Elvis Digne Okombi Tsalisant to name just these few. The first was a propagandist and supporter of a political movement created by Edgard Nguesso, nephew of the President, while the second was a jobless man in France and got promoted because of his support for the ruling Nguesso family. As for the third, he was the head of a pro-Sassou Nguesso militia known as a “Pona Ecolo”.  They are currently the role models to most jobless youths in Congo. 

Congo-Brazzaville:self censorship rampant among Journalists

What has always marveled me is how a family that is managing or controlling the wealth of an entire nation and that also spends massively in the creating and the financing of foreign media outlets such as Africanews, Jeune Afrique or Vision 4 TV, can be unable to pay people who are working within their media houses? The irony is that, these neglected national media houses: public and the pseudo private do spend their entire broadcasting hours, singing the praise of the president and the regime.  My conclusion on this manifest indifference of the ruling Nguesso family toward the Congolese media is that, they consider themselves to be very powerful and thus can do as they want with Congolese journalists and media.  As far as I am concern, the ruling Nguesso family, are simply inhumane, for they have little or no consideration for ordinary Congolese. In short, they are simply wicked. The ruling Nguessos don’t only fail to pay those who work for them within the media sector. They reserve the same inhumane treatment also to those working for them in different sectors. For example, those working for their bottling company, based in Edou and that produce a mineral water called Okiessi; they (workers) also go for months or even years without being paid. Hence, I wrote above that, nonpayment of workers was in the DNA of the Nguessos.

However, the irregular payment of journalists or workers in the media sector is a regional problem, affecting established media houses in both print and electronic media sectors.  In neighbouring Cameroon, Charles Nforgang, the spokesman of Cameroon Journalists Trade Union, says: media houses such as Aurore Plus, Le Messager, and Le Jour have not paid their workers for between two years and at least, six months. In such a situation, how do unpaid journalists or workers within the media sectors in Congo and Cameroon do sustain themselves? In the case of Congo and to be precise at MNCOM, that I know the condition because I have worked there, it depends on the department where the worker is attached or working in. Those who were worst off were the management staff and fixed or in house technicians. As far as journalists and cameramen/women were concern, they had monies or daily stipends because they went out to cover events and in the process, they were given brown envelopes or to put things clearly, they were paid by event organizers. It explains the reason why, most journalists do refuse or were not willing to carry out investigative journalism, when I was there. For how can you carryout investigative reporting on a politician or businessman/woman who is the sponsor of your newspaper or TV/Radio station?  That is where the dilemma lies. While some media and political analysts won’t agree.

But in my humble opinion, I do think that, the absence of independent minded journalists or truly independent media houses within the central African sub region is one of the reasons why prodemocracy movements and political change is slow to take roots. By contrast in the west and southern African sub regions, the same phenomenon of poor treatment of journalists and financially handicapped media organisations do exist. However, the difference with central Africa is that, there exist nonetheless some strong and well organized media houses coupled with well established civil society organisations and political parties. Furthermore, within the west and southern African sub regions, they also have a rising and politically conscious middle class who aspires and supports liberal democracy.  Whereas in central Africa, especially in Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, DRC , Burundi and Chad, they is a rise of an  egocentric minuscule middle class that are inward looking or what I refer to as, crony middle class. The inability of most proprietors or owners of media houses in Congo and in most countries in the sub region to pay their workers regularly is also one of the reasons why journalism has its limitations or is one of the reasons why, self censorship is rampant.