Race relations in the USA

My Research Fellowship also permitted me to discover that, in the United States, race still had too much influence in the way people reacted or judged those with different skin colours. I will never forget this incidence that I will want to share with you. The reason why I am sharing it with you is to support my latter claim that, in the US, race still influences the way some Americans do judge others. One day, where I was living in Silver Spring, I came home one evening and had difficulties to open my door.  I decided to call the landlord to find out whether, there was a special instruction or an astute way needed. His response left me spell bound. He said: “Elie, what is difficult in opening a door?” He went on: “I had two white boys who opened that door without any problems and you a Blackman, why should you face difficulties?”  My landlord was an African American, who saw the world in black and white. But my question to him was this: “what has white and black got to do when one needs help?” I concluded that, it might be based on the past history of America that compelled some Americans act the way my landlord acted.

Proposals

However, having made my observations known above about NED and some of its staff, I still think that they (NED) as an organisation created in 1984 to support and promote liberal democracy around the world are already doing a tremendous job, but they could do more. For example, while they are already doing a praiseworthy job, there is need for them to have or create specific targets and objectives, which at this stage I doubt whether they have. In my humble opinion, NED needs to increase their funding to media, especially in regions and countries where free speech and democracy is either threatened or where governments have preponderant control. This measure will encourage the rise and consolidation of independent media organisations and professional journalists, who will be able to independently carry out investigative journalism and also be able to report accurately on cases of financial fraud or corruption and also on human rights abuses.  One reason among the many that has caused or made democracy to roll back in most of Africa, in particular in central Africa is the absence of independent media for reasons earlier mentioned. Besides increase in financial and material assistance, which is needed for both old and new media, NED needs to increase its assistance or grants to pro democracy activists and organisations within the central Africa region, in particular in the following countries: Congo Brazzaville, Cameroon, Chad, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea. As noted earlier, NED is doing a considerable job in promoting prodemocracy groups in Nigeria, the DRC and Zimbabwe, but there is need for them to do more, especially in the central African countries mentioned earlier. One way of helping prodemocracy activists and their organisations in the central African countries above mentioned could be to target and help genuine prodemocracy groups and activists. But how can genuine prodemocracy groups or group be distinguished from fake ones? It is difficult, but due diligence process needs to be put in place within NED to make sure that, those offered grants are not just genuine but result oriented.   Furthermore, country specific approach is needed in whatever assistance or arrangement NED may want to device. This is so because, while African countries or central African countries may look similar, they are fundamentally differences within the same country: cultures and traditions vary from one region to the other.

The case of Cameroon

In Cameroon, NED must not have a one size fit all support programmes for prodemocracy organisations and activists. Their approach must respect the cultural and linguistic divide of the country. They should not be deceived into thinking or buying the official propaganda that, Cameroon is a united country.  The country is divided along linguistic lines and as the current Anglophone crisis has demonstrated, the gap between the majority French-speaking Cameroonians and their English-speaking counterparts are wider than officially presented. For example, English-speaking regions of Cameroon have greater experience in terms of social networking or civil society organisations management than the majority French-speaking Cameroonians. This simply means that, supporting prodemocracy activists in English-speaking Cameroon is far easier and more likely to attain results faster than in French-speaking Cameroon. Whereas in French-speaking Cameroon, more training for pro democracy organisations and activists are first needed and followed by the proper process of scrutiny before any results could be expected. Failure to respect the latter, the consequences are that, it is more likely that, any investments in French-speaking Cameroon for prodemocracy is bound to fail or produce limited results. Another dimension with Cameroon is its Greater north region, whose culture is different from those of greater south. Here again, a different approach is needed and more, the fundamental desires of the people of the Greater north region are special or specific. The Greater north of Cameroon certainly needs help for its pro democracy activists and organisations. However, unlike the Greater south, the priority in the Greater north is the girl child education, female rights, education and religious tolerance.  The success in campaigns to increase the girl child education or gender equality can only succeed if grants are awarded to activists claiming to work in the latter mentioned domains only after thorough introspection, have been carried out on organisations and individual seeking grants in the region.  Furthermore, grants should also be granted first only to organisations and groups that are in the fight to improve or that will have greater and immediate impact in the area.

Observations

I have sadly observed that, it seems grants are too often given to people and organisations without verifying whether their projects align with the needs of the regions or areas that the grants were sorted for. The other sad observation is that most grantees are in fact by default supports of the very dictatorial regimes that should be fought and changed. Hence the necessities for proper scrutiny before any grants are offered. As I had stated earlier, the National Endowment for Democracy was helping prodemocracy activists on the continent, but like Oliver Twist, I need them to do more and to be very selective with the projects that they are supporting. Some proposals like that which concerns Cameroon have been made earlier, but I have the impression that, in other countries, NED is supporting programmes that are having little or no impact on the promotion of human rights or democracy. Hence as already mentioned, it would be good that, while NED monitors those that, they offer grants, NED itself, must be evaluated on how successful they have been in their support for prodemocracy projects or grants around the continent since its creation in 1984.  If NED doesn’t want to waste US tax payer monies as I think they are doing in some projects that they are sponsoring, they must create or have clear cut objectives as earlier mentioned instead of their vague notion of support for prodemocracy. NED must start thinking how best prodemocracy activists can succeed in countries that are governed by dictators such as those in central Africa region. This means that, she must only support organisations that are genuinely supporting the promotion of democracy and free speech. And finally, NED needs to try to help consolidate free Speech by supporting media houses and media bodies around the continent, in particular within the Central Africa region, which is suffering from the absence of truly independent media organisations.

Congo-Brazzaville:self censorship rampant among Journalists

What has always marveled me is how a family that is managing or controlling the wealth of an entire nation and that also spends massively in the creating and the financing of foreign media outlets such as Africanews, Jeune Afrique or Vision 4 TV, can be unable to pay people who are working within their media houses? The irony is that, these neglected national media houses: public and the pseudo private do spend their entire broadcasting hours, singing the praise of the president and the regime.  My conclusion on this manifest indifference of the ruling Nguesso family toward the Congolese media is that, they consider themselves to be very powerful and thus can do as they want with Congolese journalists and media.  As far as I am concern, the ruling Nguesso family, are simply inhumane, for they have little or no consideration for ordinary Congolese. In short, they are simply wicked. The ruling Nguessos don’t only fail to pay those who work for them within the media sector. They reserve the same inhumane treatment also to those working for them in different sectors. For example, those working for their bottling company, based in Edou and that produce a mineral water called Okiessi; they (workers) also go for months or even years without being paid. Hence, I wrote above that, nonpayment of workers was in the DNA of the Nguessos.

However, the irregular payment of journalists or workers in the media sector is a regional problem, affecting established media houses in both print and electronic media sectors.  In neighbouring Cameroon, Charles Nforgang, the spokesman of Cameroon Journalists Trade Union, says: media houses such as Aurore Plus, Le Messager, and Le Jour have not paid their workers for between two years and at least, six months. In such a situation, how do unpaid journalists or workers within the media sectors in Congo and Cameroon do sustain themselves? In the case of Congo and to be precise at MNCOM, that I know the condition because I have worked there, it depends on the department where the worker is attached or working in. Those who were worst off were the management staff and fixed or in house technicians. As far as journalists and cameramen/women were concern, they had monies or daily stipends because they went out to cover events and in the process, they were given brown envelopes or to put things clearly, they were paid by event organizers. It explains the reason why, most journalists do refuse or were not willing to carry out investigative journalism, when I was there. For how can you carryout investigative reporting on a politician or businessman/woman who is the sponsor of your newspaper or TV/Radio station?  That is where the dilemma lies. While some media and political analysts won’t agree.

But in my humble opinion, I do think that, the absence of independent minded journalists or truly independent media houses within the central African sub region is one of the reasons why prodemocracy movements and political change is slow to take roots. By contrast in the west and southern African sub regions, the same phenomenon of poor treatment of journalists and financially handicapped media organisations do exist. However, the difference with central Africa is that, there exist nonetheless some strong and well organized media houses coupled with well established civil society organisations and political parties. Furthermore, within the west and southern African sub regions, they also have a rising and politically conscious middle class who aspires and supports liberal democracy.  Whereas in central Africa, especially in Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, DRC , Burundi and Chad, they is a rise of an  egocentric minuscule middle class that are inward looking or what I refer to as, crony middle class. The inability of most proprietors or owners of media houses in Congo and in most countries in the sub region to pay their workers regularly is also one of the reasons why journalism has its limitations or is one of the reasons why, self censorship is rampant. 

I was at war ( part 4)

I was at war, but I think, they (the Nguessos and the government) never knew nor understood the level of my love and determination for what I was doing. I love my job and I think that, the only person in the ruling Nguesso family who knew that best, is/was Lydie Hortense Kourissa.  And in the ideological battle that was I wedging against the forces of evil that the Congolese government and a section of the ruling Nguesso family are, I am of the opinion that, even though I was expelled, we have won or should I say, I won. It was a collective battle fought by many but led by me. It was also invisible, hence, many could not fathom.  For my expulsion from Congo on the 26^th day of September 2014, did expose to the world, the true face of one of the most brutal regimes on the continent. In the end, even though they gang raped my younger sister and opted to humiliate me, the way they did, the most important thing, in my opinion is that, my experimentation proved successful. I am now convinced that, a battle for a successful regime change or democratic improvement in countries such as Cameroon, Congo, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Gabon, Rwanda, Equatorial Guinea, Uganda and Burundi, can be fought and won, only by people who are within the system.  

In order for change or democratic improvement to happen in central African states, it requires courage and the acceptance by those who have opted to champion such a path, to accept to pay the ultimate price.  However, I am equally aware that, it is easier said than done, for the challenges to prodemocracy activists and their families are enormous, because, governments of those aforementioned countries know no bounds, when it comes to human rights violations. And they do target all those who are against their strangled corrupt hold on power.  For a majority of central African regimes are not will willing to surrender power without a bloody fight.  I was aware of all those risk, but I was ready to pay that ultimate price. And as far as MNCOM is concern, the truth is that, not all was negative about the structure. Yes the management style were ambiguous, salaries were either paid at piecemeal or not paid at all.  However, one good thing and which also made MNCOM unique is that, it was a multinational place. If there was a bit of seriousness on the part of Maurice Nguesso and his children or his trusted advisers, MNCOM had what it needed to make her a national and even sub regional champion. And the multinational nature of MNCOM is not only a testimony to the original plan of  Maurice Nguesso, but also one more prove that, he had a vision. Maurice Nguesso might be labeled as poor manager, but one of the reasons behind his failures in management had already been explained. Nonetheless, he is creative, generous and above all, he is not tribal, regional or driven by any nationalistic spirit.

Maurice Nguesso is an internationalist who understands best the social engineering of Congo, perhaps better than his younger brother and his administration. Furthermore, most foreigners who opted to stay or work, at MNCOM, it was not because of money.  I think what made most of the foreigners to stay was because of two things: they had developed an attachment to the unique ambience within the media group and finally, they were attached to Maurice Nguesso. Yes, like his younger brother, Maurice Nguesso is attaching and charming. Jacques Roos was from France Florent Koumba from Gabon and Sam Nick Owosso from Ghana. These are examples of foreigners who opted to stay because they are loyal to Maurice Nguesso and not because of money. For as already stated above, the absence of regular payment was part of the DNA of MNCOM and also of the Nguessos.  At MNCOM, sometimes, workers stayed for between three and six months without being paid.  And how did they sustain themselves? It now depends of the department where you are attached. Those who were worst off were the management staff and fix or in house technicians. As far as journalists were concern, they got monies because they went out to cover events and they were given brown envelopes.