My fellowship at the NED

This part or chapter, like the whole of this book, was written in two continents and in three countries. The idea first began in the Republic of Congo, but was actualized in Cameroon after I was expelled from the former. It was improved in the United States with the additions of this chapter and also that on Kleptocracy, in titled: The Nguessos: the Kleptocratic Family.  It was precisely on the 31^st of August 2016 that, I decided to make the aforementioned additions.  However, unlike the other additions and modifications, this chapter was written to show my deep appreciations to two organisations: Committee to Protect Journalists, CPJ and National Endowment for Democracy, NED, both have been of great help to me when I was expelled from the Republic of Congo. The first offered me an emergency fellowship that enabled me to leave Cameroon, while the second extended my Research Fellowship beyond the official end date. The extension of my research fellowship permitted me to put in writing what I knew about Kleptocracy in Congo Brazzaville and also share it with US  based NGOs fighting against corruption and human rights abuses in Africa  as well as  officials from the State  and Justice Departments among others. The opportunity to present the latter was done on the 23^rd of July 2016 and the theme was: Kleptocracy and it corrosive effects at home and abroad: the example of Congo Brazzaville. And as the preceding chapters have demonstrated, the long reign of Sassou Nguesso has had negative impacts not only in Congo but also beyond: Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo.  

My July 23^rd 2016 presentation was held in close door. It was unlike my first, which was focused on social media and had as theme: the role of social media in the promotion of Free Speech and Democracy in Central Africa.  As earlier mentioned, my Kleptocracy presentation was meant to reveal to the world that, Congo Brazzaville is a major player in the galaxy of Kleptocracy on the same level as other well known Kleptocracies such as Azerbaijan, Angola, Equatorial, Russia, Ukraine and Uzbekistan.  The Congolese Kleptocracy may regroup several people, but it is led by one family: the Nguessos. And as elucidated in the chapter: The Nguessos: the Kleptocratic family, their stranglehold onto power has had a negative or corrosive impact not only in Congo Brazzaville, but equally abroad:  Central African Republic, DRC and also in Burundi. And in Burundi, a man working at the presidency of Congo, who doesn’t want to be named, confided to me that, Sassou Nguesso offered financial support to Pierre Nkurunziza at the height of that country’s crisis. The aim of the financial support, he told me, was to help Burundi’s President, Pierre Nkurunziza  and his regime to withstand economic sanctions imposed by the European Union and also to resist the internal prodemocracy up rising. While my informant did not offer any proves other than claiming that, monies left Brazzaville for Bujumbura via Dakar to boost up the regime of Pierre Nkurunziza, I don’t have any reason to doubt him. I don’t doubt him because it looks every inch what Sassou Nguesso is capable of doing.  

Different forms of Kleptocracy

Kleptocracy in my opinion is not a one style fit all ideology in the way its functions. It varies nonetheless from one country to the other with its only common denominator or hallmark being, the unbridled desire of those in position of power to steal state wealth by all means. In the Republics of: Congo, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea, the form of Kleptocracy in practice, according to my view or interpretation is a “family base Kleptocracy”. This simply means that, the main beneficiaries are members of the ruling families in the latter mentioned countries. It is what I refer to as “family based or family oriented Kleptocracy or Kleptocracies”. However in countries such as Angola, Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the form of Kleptocracy in practice are national based Kleptocracies. In this form, the profiteering based is wider, it is not only family oriented, the beneficiaries are spread or they come from all parts of the country, creating a melting pot of “state thieves,” even though the fulcrum remains the presidential family. I refer to this second form as a “national select Kleptocracy”. And finally, there is a third form of Kleptocracy. This one is use in Chad perhaps they are in use in Central African Republic, in particular under Francois Bozize and also Burundi. It is a combination of the first and the second. It is what I refer to as a “hybrid Kleptocracy”, a system in which, the President’s family and the President’s tribe have preponderant roles but influential individuals from other parts of the country are co-opted  to give an illusion of equity in theft of state wealth , this in a bid  to assure or guarantee  the survival of the system.

Consequences of Sassou Nguesso’s long reign

In Congo, the long reign of Denis Sassou Nguesso has not made the country to develop into an intermediate economy or the aspired emerging economy, as it is the current trend. What the long reign of Sassou Nguesso has instead produced is a culture of impunity and crass corruption and also the preponderant presence of his family in all sectors of the Congolese economy and social life as already mentioned. Although the Nguessos are present in all sectors of the economy, sometimes it is almost impossible to prove it because they most often than not, operate through proxy or straw men. However, the country being a place where secrets are seldom well kept, whatever strategies in state theft dissimulation are employed, it more often than not, ends up to the knowledge of the people.  Like in any system, not all the Nguessos are beneficiaries. There are only  a handful  fronting for the entire clan, a clan that is growing rapidly as their pockets enlarges from the loot of the state treasury or from various business deals and transactions that, they have done or carried out. Another aspect with the various Nguesso ruling family is that, while they are present in both the formal and informal sectors of the economy, they are nonetheless choosy in the sectors that they get involved in. Their sectors of choice are: Oil, mining, Construction, Banking, Telecommunications, Media/Publishing and Agro-industry.

Congo-Brazzaville:self censorship rampant among Journalists

What has always marveled me is how a family that is managing or controlling the wealth of an entire nation and that also spends massively in the creating and the financing of foreign media outlets such as Africanews, Jeune Afrique or Vision 4 TV, can be unable to pay people who are working within their media houses? The irony is that, these neglected national media houses: public and the pseudo private do spend their entire broadcasting hours, singing the praise of the president and the regime.  My conclusion on this manifest indifference of the ruling Nguesso family toward the Congolese media is that, they consider themselves to be very powerful and thus can do as they want with Congolese journalists and media.  As far as I am concern, the ruling Nguesso family, are simply inhumane, for they have little or no consideration for ordinary Congolese. In short, they are simply wicked. The ruling Nguessos don’t only fail to pay those who work for them within the media sector. They reserve the same inhumane treatment also to those working for them in different sectors. For example, those working for their bottling company, based in Edou and that produce a mineral water called Okiessi; they (workers) also go for months or even years without being paid. Hence, I wrote above that, nonpayment of workers was in the DNA of the Nguessos.

However, the irregular payment of journalists or workers in the media sector is a regional problem, affecting established media houses in both print and electronic media sectors.  In neighbouring Cameroon, Charles Nforgang, the spokesman of Cameroon Journalists Trade Union, says: media houses such as Aurore Plus, Le Messager, and Le Jour have not paid their workers for between two years and at least, six months. In such a situation, how do unpaid journalists or workers within the media sectors in Congo and Cameroon do sustain themselves? In the case of Congo and to be precise at MNCOM, that I know the condition because I have worked there, it depends on the department where the worker is attached or working in. Those who were worst off were the management staff and fixed or in house technicians. As far as journalists and cameramen/women were concern, they had monies or daily stipends because they went out to cover events and in the process, they were given brown envelopes or to put things clearly, they were paid by event organizers. It explains the reason why, most journalists do refuse or were not willing to carry out investigative journalism, when I was there. For how can you carryout investigative reporting on a politician or businessman/woman who is the sponsor of your newspaper or TV/Radio station?  That is where the dilemma lies. While some media and political analysts won’t agree.

But in my humble opinion, I do think that, the absence of independent minded journalists or truly independent media houses within the central African sub region is one of the reasons why prodemocracy movements and political change is slow to take roots. By contrast in the west and southern African sub regions, the same phenomenon of poor treatment of journalists and financially handicapped media organisations do exist. However, the difference with central Africa is that, there exist nonetheless some strong and well organized media houses coupled with well established civil society organisations and political parties. Furthermore, within the west and southern African sub regions, they also have a rising and politically conscious middle class who aspires and supports liberal democracy.  Whereas in central Africa, especially in Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, DRC , Burundi and Chad, they is a rise of an  egocentric minuscule middle class that are inward looking or what I refer to as, crony middle class. The inability of most proprietors or owners of media houses in Congo and in most countries in the sub region to pay their workers regularly is also one of the reasons why journalism has its limitations or is one of the reasons why, self censorship is rampant. 

I was at war ( part 4)

I was at war, but I think, they (the Nguessos and the government) never knew nor understood the level of my love and determination for what I was doing. I love my job and I think that, the only person in the ruling Nguesso family who knew that best, is/was Lydie Hortense Kourissa.  And in the ideological battle that was I wedging against the forces of evil that the Congolese government and a section of the ruling Nguesso family are, I am of the opinion that, even though I was expelled, we have won or should I say, I won. It was a collective battle fought by many but led by me. It was also invisible, hence, many could not fathom.  For my expulsion from Congo on the 26^th day of September 2014, did expose to the world, the true face of one of the most brutal regimes on the continent. In the end, even though they gang raped my younger sister and opted to humiliate me, the way they did, the most important thing, in my opinion is that, my experimentation proved successful. I am now convinced that, a battle for a successful regime change or democratic improvement in countries such as Cameroon, Congo, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Gabon, Rwanda, Equatorial Guinea, Uganda and Burundi, can be fought and won, only by people who are within the system.  

In order for change or democratic improvement to happen in central African states, it requires courage and the acceptance by those who have opted to champion such a path, to accept to pay the ultimate price.  However, I am equally aware that, it is easier said than done, for the challenges to prodemocracy activists and their families are enormous, because, governments of those aforementioned countries know no bounds, when it comes to human rights violations. And they do target all those who are against their strangled corrupt hold on power.  For a majority of central African regimes are not will willing to surrender power without a bloody fight.  I was aware of all those risk, but I was ready to pay that ultimate price. And as far as MNCOM is concern, the truth is that, not all was negative about the structure. Yes the management style were ambiguous, salaries were either paid at piecemeal or not paid at all.  However, one good thing and which also made MNCOM unique is that, it was a multinational place. If there was a bit of seriousness on the part of Maurice Nguesso and his children or his trusted advisers, MNCOM had what it needed to make her a national and even sub regional champion. And the multinational nature of MNCOM is not only a testimony to the original plan of  Maurice Nguesso, but also one more prove that, he had a vision. Maurice Nguesso might be labeled as poor manager, but one of the reasons behind his failures in management had already been explained. Nonetheless, he is creative, generous and above all, he is not tribal, regional or driven by any nationalistic spirit.

Maurice Nguesso is an internationalist who understands best the social engineering of Congo, perhaps better than his younger brother and his administration. Furthermore, most foreigners who opted to stay or work, at MNCOM, it was not because of money.  I think what made most of the foreigners to stay was because of two things: they had developed an attachment to the unique ambience within the media group and finally, they were attached to Maurice Nguesso. Yes, like his younger brother, Maurice Nguesso is attaching and charming. Jacques Roos was from France Florent Koumba from Gabon and Sam Nick Owosso from Ghana. These are examples of foreigners who opted to stay because they are loyal to Maurice Nguesso and not because of money. For as already stated above, the absence of regular payment was part of the DNA of MNCOM and also of the Nguessos.  At MNCOM, sometimes, workers stayed for between three and six months without being paid.  And how did they sustain themselves? It now depends of the department where you are attached. Those who were worst off were the management staff and fix or in house technicians. As far as journalists were concern, they got monies because they went out to cover events and they were given brown envelopes.

Anani Rabier Bindji: Denis Sassou Nguesso is not Pierre Nkurunziza or Gaddafi

Another intriguing thing with Anani Rabier Bindji, that I noticed was that, on that day of the 9^th of October 2015, he told me this: “I am not an acquaintance of Denis Sassou Nguesso, but I want to help him in the current difficulties that, he has with his plans to change the constitution. I have called Bruno Thiam who works for Congo’s communications bureau in Paris to see how I can prepare a special programme that defends or support the change of the constitution”. I told him it was Denis Sassou Nguesso who wanted term limits and also that, it was time for him to respect Congo’s constitution. He replied: “knowing Denis Sassou Nguesso, he only accepted term limits because, he (Denis Sassou Nguesso) was under pressure from the French and Jacques Chirac, who had helped him t to topple the government of Pascal Lissouba, the democratically elected president of Congo”.  He went on: “That is the reason why, I don’t want anybody to come and help us to drive away Paul Biya from power, for after their help, they are going to give us preconditions”. Then, I said: “Denis Sassou Nguesso is currently in difficulties with his plans to change the constitution. He may succeed in changing the constitution, but governing will be difficult for him”.

He replied: “No! He has no problem and he is not going to have any problems in term of governing. If Pierre Nkurunziza in Burundi has succeeded in defying the international community, Denis Sassou Nguesso who is more powerful and ready to kill in order to stay in power will do the same and succeed”. I did not want to argue with him because, I have seen more powerful leaders such as Mobutu, Gaddafi and Mubarak fall and I don’t see why Denis Sassou Nguesso won’t.  Furthermore, since Pierre Nkurunziza changed the constitution or forced himself to power, Burundi has become ungovernable and risk going back into civil war. Anani Rabier Bindji is a professional journalist with perhaps unrivaled experience on the political history of Africa, especially French-speaking Africa. However, his problem in my humble opinion is that, he is biased sometimes and honest in some cases. In short, he is controversial, for he almost always have a reason to advance in defense of some leaders of the sub region, sometimes with some logic.  But as written above, the declarations of Anani Rabier Bindji and others on the assassination of Marien Ngouabi leaves everyone in suspense. It provides more questions than answers.

However, I only hope that, when Anani Rabier Bindji’s book will be out, it could provide the missing link, which is if he is honest and courageous enough. But why will he be afraid? He could spill the beans, for he won’t be around anymore to fear for any reprisals. It may explain why, he wants his memoire to be published only after his death.  As promised above, this is another version on the assassination of Marien Ngouabi. This time around, I am basing it on what a top military officer still in active duty in Congo told me. In his declarations to me, he was also accusing Denis Sassou Nguesso for having assassinated Marien Ngouabi.  Is his information better than those of Anani Rabier Bindji? These are what he told me while I was still in Congo.