Arlette Soudan-Nonault: the IMF should follow the examples Germany and France

Endorsement of Denis Sassou Nguesso

On the 22^nd of September, in an exclusive interview  granted via phone from the Nairobi international airport, where she was on transit to New York to attend the UN general assembly and UN sponsored international conference on environment, Arlette Soudan-Nonault, who is Congo’s minister of Environment and Tourism and who was representing President Sassou Nguesso, said: “I am happy to announce that, the German organisation, GTZ  has offered the Congo Basin Forest that Congo is leading, the sum of € 15 million or FCFA 10 billion to help improve the Congo Basin Rain Forest management,  a forest which  absorbs 15% of the global greenhouse emissions”. She added: “Soon, it will be the French Agency for International Development or ADF that will grant my ministry, the sum of € 2 million or FCFA 1.2 billion. She went on:  “those grants are an endorsement of President Denis Sassou Nguesso and his government’s determination to fight against corruption”. She concluded: “the IMF should follow the examples of both organisations and countries and sign the bailout agreement with Congo that has been postponed a record six times because of among other reasons: corruption or ideological divergences. But I know that most of my ministerial colleagues are corrupt and I am today a subject of attack from them because they are jealous of grants that, my ministry is receiving and would have wanted that, it should be diverted to other purpose which weren’t designated for or misappropriated as they have done with other assistance from donor countries and organisations. But President Sassou Nguesso is determined to weed out corruption in governance. Hence he has created a new organisation to fight against corruption with more powers and equally be independent”.  

Imminent arrest of corrupt persons

She added: “It explains why some of my colleagues are in panic mood right now. Those who stole money and kept them abroad or who are corrupt because they are close to the President will be arrested. But she didn’t give any names or when the arrest will start.  She however said: “her ministry plans to create at least 10 thousand jobs and will develop historical or memorial tourism and ecotourism with the objective of making Congo become the first tourism destination within the central African region. Toward that, information offices displaying or providing the tourism potentials of the country have been opened at the Brazzaville and Pointe Noire International airports and obtaining of visas for tourism have been facilitated”.

Why is Arlette Soudan-Nonault openly accusing some of her colleagues of corruption?

Professor Elanga Christophe Ndongo Gilles, a political analyst based in Brazzaville seems to have an answer: “the current declaration from Members of parliament belonging to ruling and even government ministers accusing their colleagues and the President of the Republic of corruption is the result of the current infighting within various clans joggling for power. Arlette is the niece of the President and he has used her as a bulldozer or dispenser of bad news in pass, so it is not fortuitous that she speaks the way she has by not showing solidarity with her colleagues.  There's also the rumour of an imminent cabinet change, hence exposing each other increases the chance of either forcing Sassou Nguesso to drop long standing ministers accused of corruption or attempt to bringing rebels or opposition element on board in a bid to forestall any kind of uprising as economic crisis digs deep and discontents rises. But when Pierre Ngolo, Senate President and secretary general of the ruling party openly accuses Denis Christel Sassou Nguesso of corruption, it shows that, the President wants to show the world, especially the IMF that, he really means business in his fight against corruption and he is ready to sacrifice his son. It could also be a political tactics from the President who has not yielded to the recommendation of the IMF to audit the SNPC or the major public works ministry both accused of monumental corruption” he concluded.

Different forms of Kleptocracy

Kleptocracy in my opinion is not a one style fit all ideology in the way its functions. It varies nonetheless from one country to the other with its only common denominator or hallmark being, the unbridled desire of those in position of power to steal state wealth by all means. In the Republics of: Congo, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea, the form of Kleptocracy in practice, according to my view or interpretation is a “family base Kleptocracy”. This simply means that, the main beneficiaries are members of the ruling families in the latter mentioned countries. It is what I refer to as “family based or family oriented Kleptocracy or Kleptocracies”. However in countries such as Angola, Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the form of Kleptocracy in practice are national based Kleptocracies. In this form, the profiteering based is wider, it is not only family oriented, the beneficiaries are spread or they come from all parts of the country, creating a melting pot of “state thieves,” even though the fulcrum remains the presidential family. I refer to this second form as a “national select Kleptocracy”. And finally, there is a third form of Kleptocracy. This one is use in Chad perhaps they are in use in Central African Republic, in particular under Francois Bozize and also Burundi. It is a combination of the first and the second. It is what I refer to as a “hybrid Kleptocracy”, a system in which, the President’s family and the President’s tribe have preponderant roles but influential individuals from other parts of the country are co-opted  to give an illusion of equity in theft of state wealth , this in a bid  to assure or guarantee  the survival of the system.

Consequences of Sassou Nguesso’s long reign

In Congo, the long reign of Denis Sassou Nguesso has not made the country to develop into an intermediate economy or the aspired emerging economy, as it is the current trend. What the long reign of Sassou Nguesso has instead produced is a culture of impunity and crass corruption and also the preponderant presence of his family in all sectors of the Congolese economy and social life as already mentioned. Although the Nguessos are present in all sectors of the economy, sometimes it is almost impossible to prove it because they most often than not, operate through proxy or straw men. However, the country being a place where secrets are seldom well kept, whatever strategies in state theft dissimulation are employed, it more often than not, ends up to the knowledge of the people.  Like in any system, not all the Nguessos are beneficiaries. There are only  a handful  fronting for the entire clan, a clan that is growing rapidly as their pockets enlarges from the loot of the state treasury or from various business deals and transactions that, they have done or carried out. Another aspect with the various Nguesso ruling family is that, while they are present in both the formal and informal sectors of the economy, they are nonetheless choosy in the sectors that they get involved in. Their sectors of choice are: Oil, mining, Construction, Banking, Telecommunications, Media/Publishing and Agro-industry.

Congo Brazzaville : Marien Ngouabi University

In most countries on the continent, corruption begins in schools and the Republic of Congo is not different.  And where one witnesses crass corruptions in Congo is at Marien Ngouabi, the name of its lone university located in its capital, Brazzaville. Marien Ngouabi University is therefore the cradle of Congolese corruption or where the evil spirit of corruption is natured into brains of the future governing elite. This university is named after the country’s most popular but controversial president, late Commandant Marien Ngouabi, who strangely enough was a very honest man. Sadly the institution that bears Congo’s former president’s name has a contrary spirit. As prove, Commandant Marien Ngouabi, fought against corruption and the excesses that comes with power. But as mentioned earlier, at Marien Ngouabi University, corruption and all other immoral conducts are feted and encouraged by most staff of the administration, some lecturers and some students.  One thing that strikes any person who is familiar with Marien Ngouabi University are the number of slogans used at the institution and its affiliates by its students, teachers and administrators, to justify corruption, sex for marks and other amoral conducts. 

Equally worrying is the propensity of some Congolese to rationalize the widespread malpractices above mentioned. All these tolerance to malpractices only shows how corruption has become part and parcel of the country’s apex institution. The disheartening part in all these are that, those glorifying corruption, which is cordoned by their institution and government, are the very ones groomed to be the elite of tomorrow. Marien Ngouabi University is therefore par excellence, the breeding ground for future corrupt elite, demagogues, orators who are genius for stirring up divisions and stoking grievances. But the problem now is this, when an institution of higher learning such as Marien Ngouabi University, becomes the reproduction centre for all that has been decried throughout this book, it is certain that,  a greater part of the country will be transformed into angered and vengeful people, who will become fodder for a bloody revolution.   

PCT Barons: Unpredictable and unpatriotic sentimentally

The old powerful and rich men, who almost always are members of the ruling party are not only inconsistent politically, they are also unpredictable and unpatriotic sentimentally. They almost all have DRC girl friends or second wives. During weekends, boat loads of girls are imported from Kinshasa to Brazzaville and also to Point Noire by barons of the regime. Congolese girls generally and in particular those from the cities of Brazzaville and Pointe Noire are aggressive and have been made to think that, taking a lot of time or investing massively on their looks and being good in bed is the only route to economic salvation. Therefore they are poor performers academically and also professionally. Furthermore, some girls and woman from the cities of Brazzaville and Pointe Noire also think that, all they can get anything in life is only through sex. 

Why Congo is always at risk

Any respected Congolese elite, who is classified as successful, can only win such an accolade, only if he has about five mistresses and offers them more or less, the same standard of living. That is why in time of economic crisis, the Republic of Congo is more likely to descend into full scale armed conflict than any other country within the CEMAC region, except Central African Republic, which is already a perpetual state of conflict.  Although cloaked under the sheets of ideological divergence, most conflicts in Congo arise because political barons are disputing over women or they can’t satisfy their several mistresses financially, hence their only solution is to resort to armed conflict as a way to get money.  

Congo Brazzaville: Abusive African Culture

Congo being an African country, the tradition of respect for the elderly and authorities is respected and equally abused. There are nonetheless some aspects which in my opinion are good. For example in a family, a junior can’t call his/her elder brother or sister, but only by the name of “yaya”. But the use of yaya has now been used and abused by the elite, especially those in power.  For the fact that, you are a “Yaya”, doesn’t shield you from criticism, however in Congo it does, in particular if you are a member of the ruling PCT.  In politics, in particular within the ruling party, older members have held a dominating role for long because, whenever younger party members want to challenge their long held positions, they almost always invoke the fact that, they are the “Yayas”. And as such, any challenge to their position is transformed as being tantamount to non respect of tradition. This attitude is not only found within the ruling party, but also within the opposition and civil society organisations, where you have the same old men heading major political formations with no prospect of retiring even though they are short of ideas. It is this travesty of African culture that some elite use in order to maintain or keep their privileges, the privileges of a “happy few” at the detriment of the majority.

The love for France

Most Congolese love France to a point that, as already mentioned above, even those elite who have pilfered state treasury would want to spend their booty in France and nowhere else in spite the risk of arrest. Unfortunately for them, since some western governments have started hesitatingly seizing their plunders, they are forced to relocate them in countries that are alien to France’s new policy or to countries that doesn’t have the French touch that they so crave.  There is a saying in Congo, especially in southern Congo, that: “to die without seeing Paris is a sin”. This attitude is predominant with the people of the Pool region, who are paradoxically among the most educated people in the country. However, their higher level of education compared to those who are currently governing the country has not prevented them from considering themselves as being French or closer to the French, than to their compatriots from the north. Furthermore, some extreme fringe of the Greater Southern parts of Congo does compare or assimilate northern Congolese to Cameroonians or Central Africans. Anyway, Jacques Opangault, a northern politician for reasons already explained, had even flirted with the thought of breaking northern from the rest of the country to attach it to Central African Republic. And part of northern Congo was part of German Cameroon until 1916.  However the disdain of the people from the greater south of Congo toward the greater northern Congolese has got nothing to do with the latter reasons but could be traced to reasons already mentioned. 

Congo-Brazzaville:self censorship rampant among Journalists

What has always marveled me is how a family that is managing or controlling the wealth of an entire nation and that also spends massively in the creating and the financing of foreign media outlets such as Africanews, Jeune Afrique or Vision 4 TV, can be unable to pay people who are working within their media houses? The irony is that, these neglected national media houses: public and the pseudo private do spend their entire broadcasting hours, singing the praise of the president and the regime.  My conclusion on this manifest indifference of the ruling Nguesso family toward the Congolese media is that, they consider themselves to be very powerful and thus can do as they want with Congolese journalists and media.  As far as I am concern, the ruling Nguesso family, are simply inhumane, for they have little or no consideration for ordinary Congolese. In short, they are simply wicked. The ruling Nguessos don’t only fail to pay those who work for them within the media sector. They reserve the same inhumane treatment also to those working for them in different sectors. For example, those working for their bottling company, based in Edou and that produce a mineral water called Okiessi; they (workers) also go for months or even years without being paid. Hence, I wrote above that, nonpayment of workers was in the DNA of the Nguessos.

However, the irregular payment of journalists or workers in the media sector is a regional problem, affecting established media houses in both print and electronic media sectors.  In neighbouring Cameroon, Charles Nforgang, the spokesman of Cameroon Journalists Trade Union, says: media houses such as Aurore Plus, Le Messager, and Le Jour have not paid their workers for between two years and at least, six months. In such a situation, how do unpaid journalists or workers within the media sectors in Congo and Cameroon do sustain themselves? In the case of Congo and to be precise at MNCOM, that I know the condition because I have worked there, it depends on the department where the worker is attached or working in. Those who were worst off were the management staff and fixed or in house technicians. As far as journalists and cameramen/women were concern, they had monies or daily stipends because they went out to cover events and in the process, they were given brown envelopes or to put things clearly, they were paid by event organizers. It explains the reason why, most journalists do refuse or were not willing to carry out investigative journalism, when I was there. For how can you carryout investigative reporting on a politician or businessman/woman who is the sponsor of your newspaper or TV/Radio station?  That is where the dilemma lies. While some media and political analysts won’t agree.

But in my humble opinion, I do think that, the absence of independent minded journalists or truly independent media houses within the central African sub region is one of the reasons why prodemocracy movements and political change is slow to take roots. By contrast in the west and southern African sub regions, the same phenomenon of poor treatment of journalists and financially handicapped media organisations do exist. However, the difference with central Africa is that, there exist nonetheless some strong and well organized media houses coupled with well established civil society organisations and political parties. Furthermore, within the west and southern African sub regions, they also have a rising and politically conscious middle class who aspires and supports liberal democracy.  Whereas in central Africa, especially in Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, DRC , Burundi and Chad, they is a rise of an  egocentric minuscule middle class that are inward looking or what I refer to as, crony middle class. The inability of most proprietors or owners of media houses in Congo and in most countries in the sub region to pay their workers regularly is also one of the reasons why journalism has its limitations or is one of the reasons why, self censorship is rampant. 

I was at war ( part 4)

I was at war, but I think, they (the Nguessos and the government) never knew nor understood the level of my love and determination for what I was doing. I love my job and I think that, the only person in the ruling Nguesso family who knew that best, is/was Lydie Hortense Kourissa.  And in the ideological battle that was I wedging against the forces of evil that the Congolese government and a section of the ruling Nguesso family are, I am of the opinion that, even though I was expelled, we have won or should I say, I won. It was a collective battle fought by many but led by me. It was also invisible, hence, many could not fathom.  For my expulsion from Congo on the 26^th day of September 2014, did expose to the world, the true face of one of the most brutal regimes on the continent. In the end, even though they gang raped my younger sister and opted to humiliate me, the way they did, the most important thing, in my opinion is that, my experimentation proved successful. I am now convinced that, a battle for a successful regime change or democratic improvement in countries such as Cameroon, Congo, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Gabon, Rwanda, Equatorial Guinea, Uganda and Burundi, can be fought and won, only by people who are within the system.  

In order for change or democratic improvement to happen in central African states, it requires courage and the acceptance by those who have opted to champion such a path, to accept to pay the ultimate price.  However, I am equally aware that, it is easier said than done, for the challenges to prodemocracy activists and their families are enormous, because, governments of those aforementioned countries know no bounds, when it comes to human rights violations. And they do target all those who are against their strangled corrupt hold on power.  For a majority of central African regimes are not will willing to surrender power without a bloody fight.  I was aware of all those risk, but I was ready to pay that ultimate price. And as far as MNCOM is concern, the truth is that, not all was negative about the structure. Yes the management style were ambiguous, salaries were either paid at piecemeal or not paid at all.  However, one good thing and which also made MNCOM unique is that, it was a multinational place. If there was a bit of seriousness on the part of Maurice Nguesso and his children or his trusted advisers, MNCOM had what it needed to make her a national and even sub regional champion. And the multinational nature of MNCOM is not only a testimony to the original plan of  Maurice Nguesso, but also one more prove that, he had a vision. Maurice Nguesso might be labeled as poor manager, but one of the reasons behind his failures in management had already been explained. Nonetheless, he is creative, generous and above all, he is not tribal, regional or driven by any nationalistic spirit.

Maurice Nguesso is an internationalist who understands best the social engineering of Congo, perhaps better than his younger brother and his administration. Furthermore, most foreigners who opted to stay or work, at MNCOM, it was not because of money.  I think what made most of the foreigners to stay was because of two things: they had developed an attachment to the unique ambience within the media group and finally, they were attached to Maurice Nguesso. Yes, like his younger brother, Maurice Nguesso is attaching and charming. Jacques Roos was from France Florent Koumba from Gabon and Sam Nick Owosso from Ghana. These are examples of foreigners who opted to stay because they are loyal to Maurice Nguesso and not because of money. For as already stated above, the absence of regular payment was part of the DNA of MNCOM and also of the Nguessos.  At MNCOM, sometimes, workers stayed for between three and six months without being paid.  And how did they sustain themselves? It now depends of the department where you are attached. Those who were worst off were the management staff and fix or in house technicians. As far as journalists were concern, they got monies because they went out to cover events and they were given brown envelopes.

Ifrikia Kengue: Profile of a hard working female journalist from Congo

Ifrikia Kengue:  she is perhaps the best online journalist in Congo. Calm, intelligent and above all, independent minded. She is the antithesis of Sadio Kante-Morel in term of character. However, professionally, she is to print media and online or social media, what Sadio Kante is to TV journalism in Congo. Another difference with Sadio and her is that, she is purely a journalist and keeps her political opinions to herself or expresses them only to friends that, she has confidence in them. However, this has not shielded her from being subject of attacks from the government and their thugs. Ifrikia Kengue is in my humble opinion, the embodiment of what a journalist should be. That is: hard working, not accepting the dictates of the employer, especially if they are against the respect of human right and press freedom. In my opinion also, a journalist must moreover be ready to defend and promote free speech and free market, as well as, all liberal orientations. 

Ifrikia Kengue is also the antithesis of most Congolese girls, in particular female journalists, whose only ambition is to be showy and always desiring to get married to a rich old baron of the ruling party. Rather than count on men, she is hard working. She does not only defy the macho world of the Congolese press, she has even gone the extra mile to create her own media company. It is a testimony not only to her professionalism but more of her independent and bold spirit. And in a country where the press is weak and also where most journalists are not digitally savvy, she is a pioneer in digital or online journalism in Congo. Her only rival or competitor is Sadio Kante-Morel. Ifrikia Kengue is a graduate of the school of Mass Communication of the Marien Ngouabi University in Brazzaville. She has worked for several newspapers in Brazzaville and abroad either as a permanent staff or as a stringer. Some of them are: Jeune Afrique, La Semaine Africaine and Terrafrica. She is also known well as a prodemocracy activist and also women’s right activists.

Christian Mounzeo: Profile of a Poineer corruption fighter

Christian Mounzeo: he is the coordinator of an organisation in Congo called: publish what you pay and he is  also a member of another organization called Rencontre pour la Paix et les Droit de L’homme abbreviated RPDH. While present all over the country, RDPH is headquartered in Pointe Noire, the commercial capital of Congo. He always works in tandem with Brice Mackosso. They both made headlines in 2004, when they angered the government with their campaign aimed at making mandatory for the marketing and the sales of Congolese crude oil to the international market, to become transparent. The aim of their campaign was to let the people know how many barrel of oil was produced in Congo and when sold, how much did it generate and what did the government use the funds for. Until they began their campaign, the sales of crude oil, the main source of income for the country, was wrapped in a thick veil. They have partly won. Because of their campaign, the government has been finally forced to adhere to the extractive mining initiative.

The Congolese oil sector is not free from corruption, but at least today, Congolese know that, their government is corrupt. And it is a constant recipe for national revolt. The action of Christian Mounzeo and Brice Mackosso was a classic example how and what an energetic and independent civil society organization can achieve in a country such as Congo. And the irony is that, the government creates its own civil society organisations in order not to have or see emerge another RPDH or OCDH in Congo. Christian Mounzeo is an easy going and affable man, who is ready to help the weak and the marginalized. The city of Pointe Noire has become the epicenter of all kinds of abuses carried out by the president, his children, family members and his friends. It partly explains why, RPDH, besides keeping a hawk eye on how Congolese oil wealth is sold, managed and spend, RPDH also offers legal assistance to people in Point Noire whose properties and lands are more often than not, expropriated  by the rich, powerful and politically well connected happy few ruling class.

Congo: the land where corruption is not only accepted but supported by the government (3).

The Republic of Congo is a country where there are little or no employment prospects for the teeming number of graduates and youths. Hence any opportunity for employments attracts bag loads of applicants and sadly, only people who are well connected or have what is called in Congo as “Poteau” or “pillars” which is a metaphor for internal chaperoning; are the ones who are offered jobs, even if they are not qualified or competent. For example, when I came or was hired at MNTV/MN Radio, I met that, they had a staff of 30 journalists and 20 technicians. And out of this number, only 10 journalists could read and write French or one of the other two official languages in the country: Lingala and Kituba. Paradoxically, all those employed had at least an ordinary level certificate, while the others even had Bachelor’s degrees from the lone national university called Marien Ngouabi University located in Brazzaville, the capital. And this brings us to another problem in the country: the falling standard of education and also corruption. If not, how can people who hold an ordinary or advance level certificate and worse of all, first degree, were not able to read or write in French?

How did they get those certificates?  This will be answered on the chapter on: “Congolese cultural values”. One thing amongst many that I have noticed while in Congo, especially amongst its elite is that, corruption and exam cheat has become a style or an acceptable culture. 

The elite are the ones who help their children to cheat during exams.  It is not as though there were no examination cheat or corruption in other African countries that I have visited, stayed and worked. The difference between Congo and other African countries that I have visited, stayed and work is that, examination cheat and all kinds of corruption is not only accepted but supported by the government. This is a country where the administrations of the lone state University and other state institutions have refused computerization or digitalization for fear that; it might stop or reduce frauds of all kinds. Some elite, in particular those belonging to the ruling PCT prosper in corruption. Then after observing the Congolese media landscape, I discovered that, most of the media houses or media outfits were owned by members of the ruling family: daughters, sons, brother, cousins of the President of the Republic.The only other people allowed to have media houses in Congo were people gravitating around power circles. Therefore, the so-called private media houses in Congo were a farce. 

They were also everything but private. Those so-called private media houses were not very different from the state owned National Radio and Television in the way they treated news stories that concerned any national and international events. Most media houses in Congo, especially electronic, were just making propaganda of the system and the ruling family. The only area where there were some independence or free views were in the print media that were truly privately owned.  To show how the ruling PCT and president Denis Sassou Nguesso abhorred private or independent media, the government even decided to ground the national daily called La Nouvelle Republic in favor of a privately owned daily called Les Depeches de Brazzaville.   In fact, Les Depeches de Brazzaville is owned by the president of the Republic and managed by a French former journalist by name Jean Paul Pigasse. 

Introduction : My experience working as a journalist in Congo-Brazzaville

This is book is written not as a score settling piece , but it is meant  to explain amongst other things my experience working as an independent journalist in a country that I have come to love. My wish is that, it helps many who will have the privilege to read it to understand some cultural realities that I suspect is unique to Congo especially amongst its elite: male and female.  It is also expected, I believe that, after reading this book readers would understand how difficult it is to work as an independent journalist in a country whose leaders pretend to love freedom of speech whereas in reality, their only love is a culture of praise with little or no room for contradictions. The Republic of Congo, I must point out is where I seem to have done my best journalistic work. It is also where to my chagrin; I discovered the importance to balance professional and family life. In other words, it is also where I lost my family and also found a new girl that I came to love and defend against all odds. However, what I don’t know as I write this whether my love and loyalty to her is reciprocal. As mentioned in the beginning of this introduction, this book is not meant to settle scores with my former friends. It is not also meant to serve as a kind of psychotherapy for me.

It is nevertheless aimed at helping me to forget all the violence that I suffered from people that I knew and thought that, they were my friends.  Finally this book sets into perspective Congo presently and also after President Denis Sassou Nguesso via the brief profiles of people that I have met while working in Congo. Denis Sassou Nguesso who is in his second and last mandate at the head of Congo and he is the one who has laid the foundation of a country with great potentials and he also shoulders the blame and responsibilities of all that has worked as well as all that has failed such as the falling standard of education and a lot more. What must be said is that, while as leader he will assume the responsibility of all that has gone wrong, President Denis Sassou Nguesso did or is not governing alone. Therefore, the responsibility of the positive as well as of the negative will be shared by all who have governed with him and have never had the courage to speak out. What is shocking is that, I wanted to give a credible face to a system that doesn’t want change. Truly, a leopard can’t change it spots.

Douala, April 15^th 2015

Congolese journalistic experience

Working as an Independent Journalist: My Experience in Congo